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A yakhchāl, meaning 'ice pit' in Persian, is an ancient type of ice house built primarily in the deserts of Persia (now Iran) around 400 BC. These structures served to store ice and food in arid climates, providing crucial cooling during hot summers. A typical yakhchāl features a domed construction above ground and a subterranean storage area. The walls are made from a unique water-resistant mortar called sarooj, which consists of sand, clay, and other materials, providing effective insulation against heat[1][5][3].
Functionally, yakhchāls utilized an evaporative cooling system in combination with windcatchers to maintain low internal temperatures. This was achieved by accessing water through qanat systems, allowing the freezing of water during cold nights. The yakhchāl could then store this ice for use in hotter months, cooling foods and drinks or even creating traditional Persian desserts[4][6][2]. Despite the decline in their use with modern refrigeration, many yakhchāls still stand today as a testament to ancient engineering and sustainability[3][5].
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Humor is a universal human phenomenon; however, its perception and usage vary significantly across different cultural contexts. Understanding these disparities can provide insights into how humor operates within social dynamics, individual identity, and coping mechanisms.
The perception of humor often diverges sharply between Western and Eastern cultures. Research indicates that Westerners typically regard humor as a positive trait, associating it with attractiveness and self-actualization. For instance, humorous people are often viewed as more motivating, creative, and capable[2][3]. In contrast, Easterners, particularly those influenced by Confucian values like many Chinese, tend to hold a more ambivalent view of humor, regarding it as suitable primarily for experts rather than as a universal social trait. Many Chinese individuals perceive humor as potentially undermining their social status, thus feeling that humor should be exhibited with restraint[1][3][7].
This cultural dichotomy also reflects in how individuals evaluate humor behaviors. For Westerners, humor is often seen as essential in various interpersonal contexts. Conversely, Easterners might associate humor with serious implications and choose to reserve laughter and humor for specific, often private, contexts rather than public displays[4][8]. Judge John C. H. Wu’s remark summarizes this difference: “whereas Westerners are seriously humorous, Chinese people are humorously serious”[1][2].
The way humor is utilized also varies significantly. In Western cultures, humor acts as a coping strategy, often employed to manage stress and navigate life’s difficulties[4][6]. Studies show that individuals living in Western societies are more likely to use humor as a defense mechanism against negative emotions, facilitating stress relief and enhancing social bonding[2][3][6]. In contrast, Eastern cultures tend to use humor less frequently as a coping mechanism. For example, research indicates that Japanese, Chinese, and Singaporean students are less likely to utilize humor in stressful situations compared to their Western counterparts[1][3].
The classification of humor styles further amplifies these cultural differences. Although humor can generally be categorized into four styles—affiliative, self-enhancing, self-defeating, and aggressive—Eastern cultures predominantly favor more adaptive forms of humor like affiliative and self-enhancing humor[5][7]. In contrast, Western cultures exhibit a higher tendency towards using maladaptive humor styles, particularly self-defeating and aggressive humor[3][7].
Language plays a critical role in the expression and appreciation of humor; however, what is humorous in one culture may not be understood—or appreciated—in another. For instance, humor in Chinese often relies on linguistic nuances and wordplay that may be lost in translation, making it particularly challenging for individuals outside the culture to grasp[4][8]. The use of puns and context-dependent humor are prevalent in Chinese culture, yet these mechanisms can create barriers for non-native speakers[6][8]. This complexity leads to the saying, “Humor doesn’t travel,” which reflects the difficulties of communicating humor across cultural divides[1][3].
The implications of humor extend beyond social interactions, affecting psychological well-being. Research highlights that both Westerners and Easterners can benefit from humor, but the effects manifest differently due to cultural contexts. While adaptive humor styles such as affiliative humor promote mental health and are positively correlated with life satisfaction in both groups, maladaptive styles tend to yield negative outcomes, especially in Eastern cultures[2][6][7].
Moreover, the research illustrates that humor styles are not only related to cultural attitudes but also to individual traits such as self-esteem and coping mechanisms. Westerners, for instance, often associate higher self-esteem with the use of adaptive humor[2][3]. In contrast, Easterners may find their coping humor strategies less impactful due to the cultural stigma associated with humor and playfulness, which underscores challenges in promoting mental health through humor in these contexts[4][8].
In summary, humor represents a complex interplay between cultural norms and individual behavior. The contrasting views on humor between Western and Eastern societies underscore the importance of context in humor appreciation and usage. While humor can be a unifying and adaptive force, it is also deeply influenced by cultural values, linguistic nuances, and social structures that shape its expression and significance in daily life. Understanding these cultural variations can enhance intercultural communication and foster deeper connections across diverse populations.
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The main function of the Test-Time Diffusion Deep Researcher (TTD-DR) is to generate comprehensive research reports by mimicking the iterative nature of human research, which involves cycles of planning, drafting, searching for information, and revising. TTD-DR begins with a preliminary draft, which serves as a guiding framework that is iteratively refined through a 'denoising' process, dynamically informed by a retrieval mechanism that integrates external information at each step. This allows for timely and coherent integration of information while reducing information loss during the research process[1].
Additionally, TTD-DR employs a self-evolutionary algorithm to optimize each component of the research workflow, ensuring high-quality output throughout the report generation process[1].
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Neurosymbolic AI combines statistical and analytic models.
It enables robust, data-driven models for sub-symbolic parts.
Neurosymbolic models allow for explicit compositional modeling.
Challenges include defining provable generalization properties.
Neurosymbolic AI seeks to integrate rich symbolic representations.
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The Corporation of the Trinity House of DeptfwdStrand, responsible for England, has an incompletely known history due to a fire in 1714 that destroyed a considerable portion of its archives[1]. It was founded by Sir Thomas Spert in 1515 and incorporated by Henry VIII in 1529, as 'The Master, Wardens, and Assistants of the Guild, Fraternity, or Brotherhood of the Most Glorious and Undividable Trinity'[1]. Initially, its members may have been solely responsible for praying for the souls of drowned sailors[1]. However, they were soon entrusted with the general control of the mercantile marine and the lighting of the English coast[1]. Charters with full powers were granted to them by Elizabeth, James I (1604), Charles II (1660), and James II (1685)[1].
While signal-lights and beacon-fires already existed on rocky headlands and at the mouths of frequently used havens, the increase in England's marine activity necessitated a more effective and uniform system[1]. The owners of these private lights and beacons often levied excessive tolls on passing ships, as erecting and maintaining a lighthouse was a profitable venture[1]. The privileges conferred upon the Trinity Corporation thus incited very general discontent[1]. In the reign of James I, an attack was made upon them an attack by no means unwelcome to the king, because the revocation of these privileges by the Crown would have placed in its hands the disposal of a valuable monopoly[1].
The judges charged with examining the Trinity Corporation's claims were considerably embarrassed by the royal action[1]. Eventually, the different parties concerned arrived at a compromise, to the effect that the fraternity of the Trinity House should retain its authority to erect lighthouses, but that the Crown should enjoy the same privilege by virtue of the common law[1]. Hence, instead of the lighting of our coasts remaining exclusively, as Elizabeth had intended, in the hands of the Trinity Corporation, it was divided by the Crown among numerous private individuals, and the old evil system was to a great extent re-established[1]. The privilege again became such a source of pecuniary advantage that great exertions were made to obtain it[1]. Even a man like Lord Grenville could enter in his diary the significant memorandum: 'To watch the moment when the king is in a good temper, to ask of him a lighthouse'[1].
Eventually, the system was found to be an intolerable burden upon navigation[1]. Many of the lights were shamefully deficient in power; others were allowed to fall into disuse, and yet the heavy tolls continued to be levied[1]. Parliament was constrained to interfere; and in the reign of William IV an act was passed which made over all the interests of the Crown to the Trinity House, and empowered it to buy up the lights in the hands of private individuals[1]. As this corporation has usually exhibited no ordinary activity, intelligence, and conscientious zeal for the efficiency of its work, the lighthouse service of England has been brought into a very effective and complete condition[1].
These three boards, 1. The Corporation of the Trinity House of Deptfwd Strand for England, 2.The Commissioners of Northern Lighthouses for Scotland; and 3. The Corporation for Preserving and Improving the Port of Dublin for Ireland, are all under the general control of the Board of Trade[1]. Before new lighthouses are erected by the Trinity House, they must be sanctioned by the Board of Trade[1]. Prior to the erection of a Scotch or Irish lighthouse, the Trinity House must be consulted, and in the event of a difference of opinion arising, the Board of Trade pronounce their decision, which is final[1].
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The main supernatural events in 'The House on the Borderland' include the narrator's recurring out-of-body experiences. He journeys to a 'vast plain' with a 'gigantic ring of dull-red fire' [1], encountering 'Beastgods' [1] and hostile 'Swinecreatures' [1] that later attack his house.
He also experiences extreme time acceleration, causing his dog to 'crumble into a mouldering heap of bones and dust' [1] and revealing his own body as an 'ages-dead' mound [1]. Additionally, he is drawn to the 'Sea of Sleep' to reunite with his deceased love [1] and is compelled by an 'immutable power' to open a bolted door [1].
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5G technology significantly enhances mobile communication by providing faster speeds, lower latency, and higher capacity for device connections. It achieves theoretical peak speeds of up to 20 Gbps, compared to 1 Gbps for 4G, enabling rapid downloads, such as a 4K movie in 25 seconds. Moreover, 5G's architecture allows for multiple connections simultaneously, improving overall user experience during high-demand situations like concerts or sporting events[1][2].
Additionally, 5G employs advanced technologies such as millimeter-wave frequencies, which facilitate seamless communication even in densely populated areas. This increased connectivity supports innovations in the Internet of Things (IoT), enhanced mobile broadband, and mission-critical applications, positioning 5G as a foundation for future technological advancements[3][4].
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